Adem K Abebe, University of Pretoria

On the evening of 15 February 2022, reports emerged that key police and military officials in Djibouti were put under house arrest, reportedly amid fears of a coup d’état.

This was the latest in the string of successful and attempted coups in Africa – from Mali to Madagascar and Guinea to the Central African Republic (CAR).

The popularity of some of the coups, combined with the perceived inability of the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to stem the tide of democratic reversals and insecurity, has generated a crisis that calls for a fundamental rethinking of the values, role, mandate, capacity and resources of these institutions.

The Djibouti incident came barely 10 days after an AU Heads of State and Government Summit meeting. In its final communique it lamented the “wave” of coups and pervasive insecurity across the continent.

Since its last in-person summit in early 2020 (they met virtually in 2021) there have been successful military coups in Mali (twice), Chad, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Sudan, and attempted coups in Madagascar, CAR, Niger, Guinea Bissau, and possibly in Djibouti.

The continent also witnessed constitutional coups where incumbents manipulated the constitutional framework to extend their terms. This happened in Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire(2020). In Tunisia the incumbent president governs through decrees, without any institutional checks on his power.

Africa has also seen new and expanding conflicts. Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country, has been embroiled in a spiral of the largest and deadliest conflict in recent African memory. The AU appointed a special envoy for the Horn of Africa and engaged in ‘quiet diplomacy’, but this is yet to bear any fruit.

In the Sahel, the zone of insecurity – arising from insurgencies and Islamic jihadists – has expanded. It has entrapped and killed thousands, displaced millions, and caused tremendous suffering. In the process the legitimacy and capacity of nascent democratic regimes has been undermined.

And in northern Mozambique, a rebellion rooted in government neglect and sense of dispossession metamorphosed into an Islamist insurgency. Hundreds of thousands have been displaced and the country’s security forces have been overwhelmed.

Enduring instability in South Sudan, Libya and Somalia have made little progress. Here too the AU has largely been on the sidelines, despite its military presence in Somalia.

Each of these occurrences has a unique context. Nevertheless, they are broadly linked to a democratic deficit and governments’ inability to deliver either freedom or peace and development. These failure of nominally elected governments has denied leaders – as well as the democratic system – a vanguard popular constituency.

On top of this, the COVID-19 pandemic has decimated the economic gains of the last decade. This has left behind an avalanche of unemployed youth, and worsened the public debt burden of virtually all countries. In turn this has deprived incumbents of economic rents they could deploy to appease the public and co-opt and silence key civilian and military officials.

The structural conditions that have made the coups and insecurity in the various countries possible obtain in a large majority of African countries. Moreover, the successes and apparent popularity of some of the coups have set a precedent that may inspire copycats.

But, an impoverished, insecure and coup-prone Africa is not inevitable. In fact, the continent continues to witness the resilience of democracy in Malawi and Zambia, among other countries.

Addressing the ailments and setting on a path to peace, freedom and sustainable development requires two key things. Firstly, a mental paradigm shift. Secondly, bold moves to accelerate the continent’s economic, security and political integration.

From rejection to introspection

Both the AU and ECOWAS have rejected the military coups. The AU has suspended four countries in a year, the highest since its formation in 2002. For its part ECOWAS is operating without 20% of its membership. Three of its 15 member states suspended. In addition it’s imposed crippling sanctions on Mali following a second coup and failure to agree an acceptable transition timeline.

But the AU hasn’t been wholly consistent. For example, it didn’t suspend Chad after an effective military takeover in the country. Instead, it put preconditions for a relatively quick transition, national dialogue and exclusion of transition leaders from standing for election.

It has remained largely silent on Tunisia too despite anti-democratic developments there.

ECOWAS has been acting according to the books on military coups. Nevertheless it failed to publicly criticise the constitutional coups in Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire.

These inconsistencies have bred accusations of hypocrisy. Some have gone as far as accusing the two institutions of merely serving as protection for their club of incumbents.

If the AU and ECOWAS want to be taken seriously, they must look inwards and stand up for constitutional democracy, regardless of the perpetrators – whether incumbents or men in military fatigue.

And here, they have an opportunity to redeem themselves through some quick wins.

Current presidents of Senegal (Macky Sall) and Benin (Patrice Salon) are serving their second and last terms. Nevertheless, there are concerns that they are resorting to democratically questionable manoeuvres. And that they may even be considering a constitutional manoeuvre to stay in power.

The AU and ECOWAS should proactively engage these leaders and secure public commitments that they will step down after the end of their terms, and continue the nascent legacy of their countries in peaceful alternation of power.

From crisis to opportunity?

The sense of crisis must spur the AU and ECOWAS into action. The ECOWAS Heads of State and Government have tasked the ECOWAS Commission to expedite the process of reviewing the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. This is a chance to strengthen ECOWAS’ capacity to respond to incumbent constitutional and electoral manipulations. This could include re-tabling the region-wide two term limit on presidents that it abandoned in 2015.

The AU should similarly enhance its capabilities to check unconstitutional changes of government as well as the undemocratic exercise and retention of power.

And it should accelerate its institutional reform drive. Notably, it must work towards boosting the Peace Fund. A well-supported fund would allow the AU to prevent political instability from degenerating into large scale conflict and insurgency.

The experiences of the coordinated responses to the insurgency in northern Mozambique, involving soldiers from the Southern African Development Community and Rwandan forces, could provide an important prototype. This must include measures to address the root causes of governance deficit, exclusion and wanton exploitation of natural resources.

In the long term, the AU, ECOWAS and other regional economic communities should strengthen security and economic integration. This would go some way to ensuring that nascent democracies deliver freedom as well as stability and a steady improvement of peoples’ economic fortunes.

Getting the African Continental Free Trade Area into gear and the protocol on free movement of people implemented is critical.

Regional organisations should also boost their anti-corruption mechanisms and address problems of mismanagement of resources.

Ultimately, the primary responsibility for stability, prosperity and freedom lies at the national level. But if African leaders desire the protection of the AU, ECOWAS and other sub-regional communities, they must strengthen these institutions.

The ambitious mandate and expectations of these institutions must be matched with perquisite tools, power and resources. Incumbent safety may lie in sharing power: horizontally by addressing the curse of winner-takes-all politics at the domestic level through inclusion of the opposition in governance; and vertically by empowering regional and sub-regional organisations.

Africans must, of course, be the masters of their destiny. But external partners such as the United Nations, US and China should support efforts to enhance the continent’s stability and economic progress.

The views and opinions expressed in the article are the sole responsibility of the author and are not endorsed by any of the institutions he is affiliated with.

Adem K Abebe, Extraordinary Lecturer, University of Pretoria

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Christian Ungruhe, University of Passau; James Esson, Loughborough University, and Paul Darby, Ulster University

When Sadio Mané scored the decisive penalty to secure Senegal’s triumph over Egypt at the Africa Cup of Nations in Cameroon, Isaak, a professional Ghanaian footballer in his late 20s, could not have been further away from the action. Watching the final online in his room in eastern Thailand, Isaak’s thoughts most likely turned to what might have been had he managed to better navigate some critical forks in the road of his football career.

Isaak is one of several dozen African players we interviewed for our new book African Football Migration. Their experiences and trajectories reflect the reality of life for the majority of African footballers who aspire to successful careers overseas – but frequently labour far beyond the bright lights of the elite game enjoyed by icons like Mané.

Football migration

Migration has long been an important livelihood strategy in many African countries. Migrating through football has more recently come to be viewed by increasing numbers of young people as a viable route to significantly improving their life chances.

This trend is a consequence of multiple intersecting factors, ranging from economic precarity, a declining faith in education and a weak local football industry. The commercialisation of football economies in Europe and some Asian countries over the last 30 years has made them prized destinations for aspiring African migrant footballers.

Thousands of African talents have tried to follow in the footsteps of iconic footballers such as Michael Essien, Samuel Eto’o, Mané and Mohamed Salah. However, for most the chance of succeeding is minimal.

Our ethnographic fieldwork in Africa, Europe and South-East Asia alongside numerous conversations with young footballers, parents, coaches, club owners and intermediaries reveals the precarious structures and career trajectories that characterise African football migration. How these young players navigate uncertainty and failure as they try to make it big overseas is reflected in Isaak’s story.

Isaak’s story

Isaak’s prospects looked hopeful at first. In 2012, he was a talented midfielder playing for Ghana’s national U-17 team, the Black Starlets. This enhanced his visibility and the chance of a contract with a club abroad. Through the Black Starlets he encountered a Ghanaian footballer and player agent based in Thailand, who promised him trials with professional clubs in the South-East Asian country.

Isaak believed this would be a stepping stone to a prestigious league in Europe, despite having no prior knowledge of Thailand or its football industry. He was reassured by his agent that necessary arrangements and logistics had been taken care of. All that was required was for him to reimburse the agent for his initial financial outlay and services once he signed for a Thai club.

Isaak’s parents and elder brother were supportive, seeing an opportunity to secure the family’s livelihood. Shortly after the Thai authorities issued a three-month tourist visa, Isaak boarded a plane to Bangkok with six other Ghanaian players promised similar deals. The agent picked them up from the airport and brought them to their rented accommodation. It soon became clear the promised trials had not been organised. As Isaak saw it:

Everything was a lie … Seven players in a small room. No windows, no air condition(ing), nothing. I was the youngest, so I had to sleep on the floor … There was nowhere to go, so we stayed in the room all day. At times, no food for me for the whole day … I was really suffering.

Precarious trajectories

This sort of experience is not uncommon among migrating African footballers. Many encounter fraud, disillusionment, racism and economic hardship as they pursue a professional contract in South-East Asia, Europe or elsewhere. A litany of media reports detailing instances of trafficking and exploitation attests to this.

However, despite their struggles, African migrant players, including Isaak, rarely give up on their dream. Rather, they retain a belief that hard work, talent, luck, persistence and for some, divine intervention, will secure their and their family’s futures.

Ten years after his move to Thailand, Isaak remained in the game. He had established himself in the lower reaches of the Thai game, playing for various clubs in third- and fourth-tier divisions. His career continued to be highly precarious and uncertain. Contracts were always short-term and his salary just enough to get by and occasionally send some money home.

In 2020/21 COVID-19 resulted in the termination of his contract. Nonetheless, Isaak continued to view his career as a launching pad for Europe. A route to social mobility was restored with a new contract after the recommencement of Thailand’s third division. Like so many other African migrant footballers, Isaak will likely continue to labour and invest his physical capital in pursuit of a dream that’s unlikely to be realised.

A persistent dream

It is these intersecting aspirations, experiences and trajectories in the life courses of young African males that we unpack in African Football Migration. The book illustrates that the ability to navigate an unpredictable, highly competitive and commercialised industry is a key asset for African players. An embodied belief in their abilities to succeed and the need to make their migration project valuable for themselves and others frequently mitigates the disillusionment and setbacks faced abroad. Staying in the game and keeping the hope of ‘making it’ alive gives meaning to their struggle, regardless of how precarious it may be.

In the context of global inequality and restrictive migration regimes, it is likely that young African footballers will continue to see a career in the professional game overseas as a viable future path.

Our book reveals they are well aware of the pitfalls, barriers and imponderables that characterise this path. However, they press on regardless, exhibiting remarkable creativity and resilience as they cultivate a dream to follow in the footsteps of Sadio Mané and others who ‘made it’ against all odds.

Christian Ungruhe, Research fellow, University of Passau; James Esson, Reader in Human Geography, Loughborough University, and Paul Darby, Reader in Sport & Exercise, Ulster University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

A 35-year-old ex-convict, Onyekachi Alozie and his wife, Oluchi, have been arrested by Imo State Police Command for kidnapping, murdering, and burning the corpse of a 71-year-old man, Chief Precious Okorie.

Parading the suspects, the Imo State Commissioner of Police, Mr Hussain Rabiu disclosed that the deceased was kidnapped on November 12, 2021.

Rabiu said that he ordered the commander of the Anti-Kidnapping Squad, Oladimeji Oyeyiyewa, and his operatives to swing into action after the family members reported the case.

This led to the arrest of the gang leader, Agubata Maxwell Chimezie known as“the boss” on December 10, 2021. While Oluchi was arrested on December 20, her husband was picked up on January 10, 2022 in Owerri.

Alozie, who was said to have allegedly masterminded the kidnapping and murder of Okorie, took the police operatives to the forest where they saw the burnt body of the deceased.

The Police said that the operatives recovered the late Okorie’s car, a Toyota Camry from the workshop of an auto painter where the gang leader went to repaint and later sold it for N1million.

“They blindfolded Okorie, took him to their den in the forest where they collected his Toyota car and ATM card and withdrew N3.5 million from his account,”Oyeyiyewa said

Upon interrogation, Alozie confessed to the alleged kidnapping of the Chief after his wife told him she was having a sexual affair with him.

“I’m an electrician by profession but went into armed robbery and kidnapping. I was at the Nigeria Correction Centre twice for kidnapping cases. I was detained at the Nigeria Correction Centre after I was arrested and prosecuted by DSS operatives in 2018 but discharged by an Nkwerre High Court and released from prison in 2021.

“When I was at the Nigeria Correction Centre, my wife Oluchi was visiting me and bringing food. I did not suspect her with late Chief Okorie. She only told me Okorie was a Good Samaritan. Then one day, I overheard their conversation on phone, where Okorie was saying he was eager to see my wife. I was angry and forced my wife to call the deceased to see her in the hotel.

“My wife confessed to me that she’s been having a sexual relationship with the 71-year-old man in the hotel.

“I threatened to kill my wife, and so she called him back and told him to wait for her in the hotel. I then arranged for him to be kidnapped. My gang leader, Agubata Chimezie a.k.a “the boss” kidnapped Chief Okorie in his car and took him to the forest. I demanded a ransom of N20million but the family members paid only N1.5m as ransom,” he said.

He confessed that he was given N290,000 from the proceeds of the car sales but has no knowledge of how the gang members killed late Chief Okorie and burnt his dead body.

“It was some of our gang members who did the job. They did not give me any share from the N1.5m ransom collected from the deceased’s family members, they promised to give me my share the second time that they were demanding another ransom from the deceased’s family member,” the suspect confessed.

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he Year 2021 witnessed a great number of false prophecies and fake declarations by pastors and prophets in Nigeria.

It has become a tradition for many self-acclaimed prophets and ‘men of God’ in the country to release what they term their ‘New Year prophecies’ at the end of the year.

These prophecies are meant to warn and prepare Nigerians, Africa and in some cases, the entire world of events and incidents that would form the New Year.

In some cases, these prophets surprisingly come up with prophecies on already sick popular figures or natural disasters such as flooding or even a heavy rainfall.

Reading through a series of prophecies by Nigerian prophets/pastors in some occasions, one may be tempted to picture God as a talkative.

DAILY POST can authoritatively report that most of the prophecies released concerning President Muhammadu Buhari, the Presidency, Nigeria and some popular figures in 2021 did not come to pass.

Some of these prophecies include but not limited to the death of President Buhari, crises in the Presidency, Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo suddenly becoming President.

Take for instance, on the 12th of June, 2021, the leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, Primate Ayodele came up with a prophecy of a clash that would happen between Buhari and Osinbajo.

He also said that some of Buhari and Osinbajo’s aides will clash, adding that he saw a Presidential convoy attacked.

Primate Ayodele said: “There will be threats in the Villa, I’m seeing confusion in the Villa, Buhari will lose one of his aides.

“There is going to be a clash between Buhari and Osinbajo and their aides, mark my word.”

An investigation by DAILY POST shows that these incidents never happened.

Another prophet, Apostle Paul Okikijesu of the Christ Apostolic Miracle Ministry, had predicted deaths of Nigerian and Ivorian Presidents, saying, “Pray against the death of Presidents of Nigeria and Ivory Coast.”

Okikijesu also predicted a deadly crisis between the Hausa and the Fulani and also called on Christians to be vigilant because a religious war, according to him, was about to happen.

Okikijesu further said that he had heard from God that there was an ongoing plot to move the Federal Capital Territory from Abuja to a different city, which he did not mention.

He also said that the time for the fulfillment of his earlier prophecy about power being taken from President Muhammadu Buhari and be given to Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo hence had come.

“Thus says the Lord: Some people will plan to move the Seat of Government from Aso Rock to another city,” he said.

“Government will be taken away from the President. What I the Lord had said previously concerning the President, the time of its fulfillment has come that the government will be taken away from the President and it will be given to his neighbor that is better than him.:

“Aso Rock need prayer starting from May 26th, 2021 until June 17th, 2021. Aso Rock need adequate security during this period.

“Looming crisis of extreme proportion will burst… When the looming crisis bursts, it will cause worries for people and restlessness will be prevalent in the Nigeria.

“This is what will prompt the government to be given to his vice president; then Osinbajo will occupy the presidential seat for a brief period of time, before I will bring the Beloved to govern the country for Me,” he said.

He went further to predict the death of popular Yoruba activist, Sunday Igboho in 2021.

He also said the blood of former Kano Emir, Sanusi Muhammad, leader of the Indigenous People Biafra, IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu and former Niger Delta militant leader, Tompolo would be shed.

DAILY POST also can say categorically that these prophecies never came to pass.

Apostle Johnson Suleman of the Omega Fire Ministries, had also declared that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo will become President this year.

According to him, God said Nigeria will shake, adding that he also saw power leaving the North in 2023, insisting that there will be no war, neither will the country break up.

“I saw power leaving the North. The Lord told me audibly that number two will become number one. It is a prophecy. Nigeria will not break (up). Nigeria will not divide. There will be no war in this country,” Suleman said.

He also said he saw black day in Aso Rock; power leaving the North in 2021; a serious conspiracy against Vice President Prof, Osinbajo; collapsed Bridge; fire outbreak at the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN; cows fighting their owners; Niger Delta to mourn a great leader, Ebola returning; and major TV Channel burgled and razed down with fire.

However, a check by DAILY POST shows that none of the above happened in Nigeria in 2021.

On his part, the founder of Christ Mercyland Deliverance Ministry, Prophet Jeremiah Fufeyin in the beginning of 2021, said that the secret behind the COVID-19 pandemic would be exposed in 2021. However, no such exposure has been made till the time of filing this report.

Still on prophecies that never happened, a Ghana-based pastor, Prophet Nigel Gaisie had claimed that God revealed to him that Nigeria’s Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo will become President in 2021.

Gaisie, who is the founder of the Prophetic Hill Chapel Prophet made the prediction during his crossover service.

“Nigeria’s Vice President Yemi Osinbajo will become president,” his quotes read in part.

Also delivering his New Year prophecies in 2021, the Senior Pastor of Faith on the Rock Ministry International, Apostle Theophilus Ebonyi had said there would be a sudden change of government in Nigeria without a coup or election, calling on Nigerians to pray for President Muhammadu Buhari.

He disclosed that God revealed to him that the number two man (Yemi Osinbajo) will become the number one in Nigerian government.

“God revealed to me in the place of prayer his blessings and intervention in the affairs of Nigeria that government will witness a shift that is going to give ground to the number two citizen to become number one, so saith the Lord,” he said.

Meanwhile, Femi Adesina, the Special Adviser to President Muhammadu Buhari on Media and Publicity, had recently attacked the so-called prophets in Nigeria, singling out Primate Elijah Ayodele.

In an article he entitled, “PMB and The Futurologists”, Adesina mocked the then military ruler, Sani Abacha for refusing to leave Aso Rock because he was scared of prophetic visions and predictions.

Adesina disclosed that a cleric told Buhari to send emissaries to him with bags of money so he could pray and stave off the tragedy.

Noting that the President was busy with international travels at the period the ‘prophet’ mentioned, but no accident or incident happened.

“That was what the marabouts did to Sani Abacha, that he remained holed in Aso Rock. Between November 1993 and June 1998 that he was head of state, you could count both local and foreign trips he made on the fingers of one hand,” Adesina said.

The Presidential Spokesman noted that at the beginning of every year, those he described as futurists, prospectivists, and foresight practitioners would be on the praw.

He said those prophets were people who called themselves and have no divine backing but go about, running riot all over the place with guess work, divination, and outright falsehood, “all to beguile the people, pass themselves off as somebody, and ultimately make filthy money.”

Speaking to DAILY POST on the rise of false prophecies in the land, Pastor David Adebola of the Redeemed Christian Ministry, Lugbe, Abuja, said that false prophecy is almost as old as man.

According to Pastor Ademola, “Fake prophecies did not start today. It did not also start in Nigeria. If you know your Bible very well, you’ll agree with me that there were so many of such recorded in the Holy Book.