Thursday, 19 December 2019 09:32 Written by lagospostng
President Donald J. Trump was impeached on Wednesday.
For the third time in the nation’s history, the House of Representatives voted to impeach a sitting president, acting after a daylong debate on whether Trump violated his oath in pressuring Ukraine to damage a political opponent.
Trump was impeached on two articles. The first vote, 230-197, accused him of abuse of power and was almost entirely on party lines; it was followed quickly by a second, 229-198, vote accusing the president of obstructing Congress. The one-vote difference was that of Democrat Jared Golden of Maine, who voted yes on abuse of power and no on obstruction.
Thursday, 19 December 2019 09:32 Written by lagospostng
President Donald J. Trump was impeached on Wednesday.
For the third time in the nation’s history, the House of Representatives voted to impeach a sitting president, acting after a daylong debate on whether Trump violated his oath in pressuring Ukraine to damage a political opponent.
Trump was impeached on two articles. The first vote, 230-197, accused him of abuse of power and was almost entirely on party lines; it was followed quickly by a second, 229-198, vote accusing the president of obstructing Congress. The one-vote difference was that of Democrat Jared Golden of Maine, who voted yes on abuse of power and no on obstruction.
Nixon was a bully, a cynic and a crook who did all kinds of damage to American politics and society, not to mention to Cambodia and Vietnam, too. And yet he had a sense of obligation to his office — and to the Republican Party, a venerable institution that got its start in the 1850s by opposing the spread of slavery.
And so in August 1974, after the congressional leadership of the Republican Party told him that they wouldn’t stand for the Watergate cover-up, Nixon got on a helicopter and flew out of history.
This is not how the Trump era will end.
Moving right
The year 1977 marks a watershed in the modern history of the American right, a moment of departure from the kind of Republican Party that eventually rejected Nixon.
That year, the Cato Institution was formed in Washington to peddle free-market fundamentalism as the answer to America’s ills. Also that year, a group of fundamentalist Christians built Focus on the Family to uphold traditional patriarchy as God’s command. And a fringe group within the National Rifle Association turned what had been an apolitical hunters’ organization into a hyper-aggressive lobbying group for arms manufacturers and their most angry customers.
These groups shared a grand narrative of America, in which rugged individualists and virtuous families built the country with Bibles in one hand and guns in the other. The protagonists in this story were of course white, just like the great majority of the people in these movements.
From Reagan to Bush
During the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan drew these forces into an upbeat nationalism. America’s mission, he told the faithful, was to defeat godless Communism at home and abroad.
The subsequent collapse of the Soviet empire vindicated his take-no-prisoners approach — and the more extreme voices on the right, whose “think tanks” and pressure groups now formed a vast echo chamber impervious to political debate.
When Bill Clinton came to office in 1992, he hoped to appeal to centrist Republicans as a pro-business “New Democrat” from a southern state. Instead, a new wave of right-wing figures in Congress and beyond accused the Democrats of all kinds of perversions and impeached Clinton over his unseemly sex life, resulting in some bizarre political theatre.
Although these tactics narrowed the Republicans’ appeal, the party returned to the White House when George W. Bush squeaked out an electoral victory in early 2001. This kept the extremists within the party, for the moment.
Off the rails
In the wake of terrorist attacks later that year, Bush briefly rose to Reaganesque stature with the economic and religious right, even though he scolded and disappointed white nationalists.
But while Reagan’s crusade against Communism had ended in global victory, Bush’s war in Iraq ground to a bloody stalemate. And as the recession of 2008 cast a dreary pall over America, Barack Obama rose to power by promising hope and change.
Although he, too, was a New Democrat in economic terms — his signature health-care law stemmed in part from another conservative think tank — Obama embodied the liberal vision of a multi-racial nation within a complicated world.
As president, he described his views on touchstone issues such as gay marriage as “evolving” and sought middle grounds with old enemies like Cuba and Iran.
In response, the far right took over the Republican Party, using not only think tanks and radio shows but also alt-right websites and chat rooms that became safe spaces for virulent racism.
Moderates were targeted
Extremists in the so-called Tea Party movement, which paved the way for today’s Make America Great Again supporters, targeted moderate Republicans while Fox News hosts and “shock jocks” called Obama a Marxist and terrorist sympathizer.
When Obama cruised to a second term against Mitt Romney, millions of Republicans turned to a helter-skelter politics of rage and paranoia — and into the arms of Trump, a vulgar demagogue of huge appetites and thin scruples.
Once again, this shrank the Republican Party’s field of voters to older, whiter and more conservative audiences. Against the uninspired campaign of Hillary Clinton, however, Trump stumbled into the White House with 46.1 per cent of the popular vote.
Toward November
Although most Americans don’t like him, Trump has an 80 per cent approval rating among Republicans. He uses this popularity, along with his Twitter feed, to bully Republican dissidents into silence.
In any case, the Republicans now have little choice but to double down on their far-right vision of America, using voter suppression to eke out more wins in the Electoral College. Having alienated almost every other demographic, they must stick with their Trump-loving base. They have no one else.
Indeed, the contemporary Republican Party has many elements of a cult of personality. Rick Perry, the former energy secretary, even recently likened Trump to the patriarchs of the Old Testament. The party does not even try to control its fringe elements; it is a fringe element, an anti-democratic force of recent history that threatens to consume the world’s oldest democracy.
This means that Trump will survive the impeachment process in early 2020, no matter what malfeasance comes to light. The Republicans will protect their man at all costs. And Trump will do everything he can to win in November, unburdened by any sense of propriety, fairness or facts. It’s not even clear if he would accept defeat.
Against such a foe, the Democrats’ best chance is to lose their fear of it — and then call on their growing majority to demand a broader, more decent definition of government of, by, and for the people.
Can prison rehabilitation programs work, and is it sensible to try and rehabilitate seriously radicalised individuals convicted on terrorism charges?
These are questions not just for the UK, in the wake of the second London Bridge attack over the weekend, but for the entire world.
There are no easy answers and no simple options. As the numbers of people detained and eventually released on terrorism charges mount up around the world, so too does the question of what to do with them. Politicians find it easy to speak in terms of “lock them up and throw away the key”. But our legal systems don’t allow this and the results, even if allowed, would almost certainly be worse.
Some answers, and some difficult questions, can be found in the lives of four participants in the events in London: Jack Merritt, Saskia Jones, Marc Conway and James Ford.
All four were participating in an event organised to reflect on the first five years of the University of Cambridge’s Learning Together program. Merritt was a young graduate who was helping coordinate the program. Jones was a volunteer in the program. Tragically, their idealism and desire to give back to society saw them lose their lives to a man whom they thought they had been able to help.
Jack lived his principles; he believed in redemption and rehabilitation, not revenge, and he always took the side of the underdog.
In her tribute to her murdered daughter, Jones’s mother said:
Saskia had a great passion for providing invaluable support to victims of criminal injustice, which led her to the point of recently applying for the police graduate recruitment programme, wishing to specialise in victim support.
Jones, 23, and Merritt, 25, were both University of Cambridge graduates working at the Learning Together program. They lost their lives to a knife-wielding murderer who does not deserve to have his name remembered. Their 28-year-old assailant had been released from prison 12 months earlier, having served but eight years of a 16 year sentence.
In a catastrophic system-failure, his automatic release was processed without his case ever being reviewed by a parole board, despite the sentencing judge identifying him as a serious risk who should only ever be released after careful review. He had gamed the system, presenting himself as repentant and reformed.
In fact, he had never undergone a rehabilitation program in prison and only had cursory processing on his release. Systemic mistakes and the lack of resources to fund sufficient and appropriate rehabilitation programs meant he was one of many whose risk was never adequately assessed.
Conway had formerly served time at a London prison and is now working as a policy officer at the Prison Reform Trust. He witnessed the fatal attack and rushed directly towards the attacker, joining others who sought to pin him down.
Another man participating in the offender rehabilitation event was James Ford. He too saw the attack unfolding and immediately confronted the assailant.
In a deeply tragic irony, the two victims who lost their lives to a man who made a mockery of their idealism were assisted by two others who appear to have genuinely benefited from prison rehabilitation programs. But even here, the complexities and ambiguities of this sort of difficult endeavour were played out as clearly as any playwright could ever conceive of scripting.
Ford was a convicted murderer attending the Learning Together conference on day-release. He had brutally killed 21-year-old Amanda Campion, a young women who was particularly vulnerable because of her intellectual disability. In the eyes of Campion’s family, Ford is no hero.
However, Professor of Criminology at Birmingham City University David Wilson, who chairs the Friends of Grendon Prison program, says that Ford underwent extensive rehabilitation initiatives, including an intensive period of psychotherapy.
On this occasion, the convicted murderer did the right thing. Even though this doesn’t make him a hero, it does give some reason for hope. For Wilson, the murderous terrorist and the convicted murderer who rushed to contain him represent a tale of two prisoners:
I know through my work that people do change and they change as a consequence of innovative but challenging regimes such as the one at HMP Grendon.
In the wake of the attack, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson said the cases of 74 people released early after being jailed for terror offences will be reviewed. This is certainly sensible and necessary, but much more is required. Indefinite detention is not an option in the majority of cases, and the UK is dealing with hundreds of people convicted of terrorism offences either currently in prison or recently released.
The numbers in Australia are only a fraction of this but still run into the high dozens and are growing every year. For Australia’s near neighbours, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines, the numbers, including projected returnees from the Middle East, run into the thousands.
Professor Ian Acheson, who has advised the government on how to handle extremist prisoners, told the BBC it was not “a question of an arms race on sentencing toughness”, but about what is done when offenders are in custody.
Acheson said his panel’s recommendations had been agreed to but not implemented due to “the merry-go-round of political replacements of secretaries of state”, and the “fairly recalcitrant and unwilling bureaucracy”. He also cited “crazy failed and ideological austerity cuts” to the police, prison and probation services.
Jack Merritt and Saskia Jones were not naïve idealists. They had studied the problem closely and believed rehabilitation programs could make a difference. Their tragic deaths speak to the challenges involved. To give up and do nothing is not merely cynical, but self-defeating. Without adequate resourcing and reforms the problem everywhere will only become much worse.
Greg Barton, Chair in Global Islamic Politics, Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University
Thursday, 28 November 2019 01:51 Written by pointblanknews
U.S Senator Robert Menendez and Rep Josh Gottheimer have both expressed concerns over increasing arrests and detention of journalists and human rights abuses in Nigeria under President Mohammadu Buhari.
In a jointly signed letter to the Nigerian Ambassador to the U.S, Justice Sylvanus Nsofor dated November 25, 2019, the U.S lawmakers took a swipe at what they described as “troubling reports” of assaults and detention of journalists and Nigerians by operatives from the Directorate of State Security Service, DSS.
The U.S lawmakers named Sowore Omoyele of Saharareporters, Samuel Ogundipe go Premium Times, Jones Abiri and Kofi Bartel as journalists who have been assaulted and detained by the DSS.
A white Georgia Deputy Sheriff has been caught on a disturbing cell phone video manhandling a black mother in front of her daughter.
The cell phone video showed the Richmond County Sheriff’s Deputy Todd Beasley, roughly manhandling the mother identified as Sherita Jackson before her daughter who cried “get off my mommy!” in an effort to arrest her.
Jackson had been at the Family Dollar in Augusta to purchase some items on October 17 when Mary Blount, a store employee, called police on her seeking she be barred from the property for interloping.
According to the incident report, when Beasley arrived at the scene, he reached out to Blount first and later spotted Jackson walking west on Sand Bar Ferry Road with her two children.
Beasley approached Jackson who was carrying her purchased items and explained to her why he was contacting her and asked to identify herself.
Despite the U.S. Constitution providing the right to remain silent during questioning from authorities including instances of a request for identification, Georgia is one of several states that require people suspected of certain offenses to identify themselves under what’s known as “stop and identify” laws.
And the Supreme Court ruled in 2004 in Hiibel v. Nevada that officers can compel persons to identify themselves in states that have passed stop-and-identify statutes.
Jackson was, however, “less than cooperative and wouldn’t identify herself,” Beasley said in the incident report, so he threatened her with an arrest for obstruction as well as called on the Georgia Division of Family and Children Services (DFCS) for her children.
“The suspect began dialing her phone and when asked who she was calling, she stated, ‘Someone to get my kids,’” Beasley said. “I deduced that the comment meant that she was going to hinder my investigation by not identifying herself and I would be required to arrest her.
“I cuffed the left wrist of the suspect and instructed her to place her hands behind her back several times and she refused and physically resisted,” Beasley said in the report. “I warned her that I would have to put her on the ground if she kept resisting.”
Beasley said he tripped Jackson forward and took her to the ground while she shouted: “Help me. Please, somebody help.” She even told the Sheriff’s deputy at one point: “I’m 110 pounds. Get off of me with your weight.”
Jackson, according to News Channel 6, doesn’t have a criminal record but spent one night in jail in the recent incident.
Commenting on the incident, the sheriff’s office said there is no specific policy regarding arresting subjects with children present and that it’s up to the officer’s discretion.
“If an arrest is made and the child does not have any guardians present, we ask the subject we are arresting if there is a family member or relative they would like contacted to take care of their child,” the sheriff’s office told News Channel 6.
A white Georgia Deputy Sheriff has been caught on a disturbing cell phone video manhandling a black mother in front of her daughter.
The cell phone video showed the Richmond County Sheriff’s Deputy Todd Beasley, roughly manhandling the mother identified as Sherita Jackson before her daughter who cried “get off my mommy!” in an effort to arrest her.
Jackson had been at the Family Dollar in Augusta to purchase some items on October 17 when Mary Blount, a store employee, called police on her seeking she be barred from the property for interloping.
According to the incident report, when Beasley arrived at the scene, he reached out to Blount first and later spotted Jackson walking west on Sand Bar Ferry Road with her two children.
Beasley approached Jackson who was carrying her purchased items and explained to her why he was contacting her and asked to identify herself.
Despite the U.S. Constitution providing the right to remain silent during questioning from authorities including instances of a request for identification, Georgia is one of several states that require people suspected of certain offenses to identify themselves under what’s known as “stop and identify” laws.
And the Supreme Court ruled in 2004 in Hiibel v. Nevada that officers can compel persons to identify themselves in states that have passed stop-and-identify statutes.
Jackson was, however, “less than cooperative and wouldn’t identify herself,” Beasley said in the incident report, so he threatened her with an arrest for obstruction as well as called on the Georgia Division of Family and Children Services (DFCS) for her children.
“The suspect began dialing her phone and when asked who she was calling, she stated, ‘Someone to get my kids,’” Beasley said. “I deduced that the comment meant that she was going to hinder my investigation by not identifying herself and I would be required to arrest her.
“I cuffed the left wrist of the suspect and instructed her to place her hands behind her back several times and she refused and physically resisted,” Beasley said in the report. “I warned her that I would have to put her on the ground if she kept resisting.”
Beasley said he tripped Jackson forward and took her to the ground while she shouted: “Help me. Please, somebody help.” She even told the Sheriff’s deputy at one point: “I’m 110 pounds. Get off of me with your weight.”
Jackson, according to News Channel 6, doesn’t have a criminal record but spent one night in jail in the recent incident.
Commenting on the incident, the sheriff’s office said there is no specific policy regarding arresting subjects with children present and that it’s up to the officer’s discretion.
“If an arrest is made and the child does not have any guardians present, we ask the subject we are arresting if there is a family member or relative they would like contacted to take care of their child,” the sheriff’s office told News Channel 6.
South Carolina has sentenced a 54-year-old restaurant owner to 10 years in prison for threatening, beating and intimidating a mentally-disabled black man into working 100 hours a week for free for 17 years.
Bobby Paul Edwards, who ran the J&J Cafeteria in Conway, pleaded to one count of forced labour, according to a report by The Root. Edwards kept Chris Smith in a small room behind the restaurant, forcing him to work in the restaurant without compensation.
A Department of Justice report also stated that Edwards for 17 years, beat Smith into submission, whipping him with a belt, knocking him with pots and pans and at one time, burning Smith with hot grease.
Smith began working at the J&J Cafeteria when he was 12 in 1996. In 2002, Edwards took over the family business and refused to pay Smith for 17 years.
Edwards deceived Smith, telling the latter all of his wages were being kept in an account that Smith could not access until a point. Smith was, however, given no say in whether he could give his labour or not.
Smith claims that he never had a break or an off-day. And when he dared to speak up on rare occasions, Edwards would beat and torture him, amidst insults of the N-word.
Customers confirmed they had heard Smith on different occasions screaming while he was beaten.
Smith was hidden from his family when they came to visit, sometimes, in a freezer. But he also recounts that Edwards’ family refused to intervene on his behalf during his ordeal.
“They knew”, Smith is quoted as saying, “All of them knew. They knew what he was doing.”
He continued: “I wanted to get out of there a long time ago. But I didn’t have nobody I could go to. I couldn’t go anywhere. I couldn’t see none of my family so that was that… That’s the main basic thing I wanted to see was my mom [to] come see me.”
Fortunately for Smith, a daughter of a family friend who worked at the restaurant, took notice of the abuse that was meted out to Smith. She told her mother, who then informed the Department of Social Services and the local chapter of NAACP.
Apart from his time in prison, Edwards has also been ordered to pay $272,952.96 to Smith.
After Edwards’ sentencing, the US Attorney for the District of South Carolina, Sherri Lydon, said: “For stealing his victim’s freedom and wages, Mr. Edwards has earned every day of his sentence. The U.S. Attorney’s Office will not tolerate forced or exploitative labour in South Carolina.”
But the length of Edward’s sentence has angered a number of people who have drawn parallels between his crime and slavery in the United States.
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